Chornovil's road signs are relevant

Vyacheslav Chornovil: the man who defined the path to national unity

Vyacheslav Chornovil is one of the greatest figures in the history of modern Ukraine, a man whose struggle for the national idea and state independence became not only a symbol of the invincibility of our national spirit, but also a significant reference point for future generations. His life, devoted to the service of Ukraine, filled with difficulties, trials and the struggle against the totalitarian regime, as well as his legacy, which remains relevant to this day, shape our understanding of national dignity and unity.

Vyacheslav Chornovil was not only a thinker who formulated the foundations of the national idea, but also a true bearer of these principles, despite all the difficulties and persecution. His life and struggle are a living example of how a strong personality can change the course of history, even when the system tries to break it. He united Ukraine not only with words, but also with concrete actions, going beyond geographical and political borders, demonstrating that a country can be integral only through the unity of all its regions.

In his work, one can find not only lessons of patriotism/nationalism, but also important guidelines for modern politicians and citizens of Ukraine. His life was full of struggle for the independence of Ukraine, and his legacy remains a guide for future generations. Confronting the totalitarian regime, he worked tirelessly for the unity of Ukraine, not dividing it into regions, but building a common future.

Chornovil was from the cohort of dissidents of the sixties who became the voice of the Ukrainian national liberation movement in the post-Stalin era. A journalist, samizdat publisher, public and political figure, and long-time leader of the People's Movement of Ukraine, he left behind not only lessons in patriotism, but also a moral compass for modern politicians and citizens. His legacy is a call for responsibility, unity, and unconditional service to the Motherland.

Vyacheslav Chornovil belonged to a galaxy of dissidents who, in the wake of the Khrushchev "thaw", felt a freer social atmosphere than under Stalin, but at the same time did not want to be satisfied with the restrictions imposed on relative freedom of thought by the same invariably leading and guiding Communist Party. Having worked briefly in official Soviet journalism, the young publicist, not wanting to fit into the "Procrustean bed" of the Communist Party paradigm, soon began to publish the samizdat "Ukrainian Herald", in which he published various materials from the life of the national and human rights movement.

It is very important that these materials broke through the "Iron Curtain", and the Ukrainian Western diaspora learned about the patriotic activities and twists of fate (arrests, trials, etc.) of dissidents in Ukraine - Mykhailo and Bohdan Horyniv, Ivan Svitlychny, Vasyl Stus, Valeriy Marchenko, Mykhailo Osadchy and many others. Since the then USSR officially declared that there were no political prisoners in the "country of workers and peasants", the publicity about the sentences of dissidents was shocking for the Soviet leadership. Because of this, the communist penal system later began to "sew" purely criminal articles for dissidents. In particular, Vyacheslav Chornovil was indicted for rape.

Unfortunately, this is not surprising, because Chornovil was a dangerous person for the Soviet authorities. And during the general pogrom of the sixties movement in January 1972, he was arrested, along with many others. Later, the "fairest court in the world" sentenced him to seven years in camps and five years of exile. In total, Vyacheslav Maksimovich was in prison for 15 years - this is a third of a person's active life. They tried to break him physically and morally, but he did not renounce his beliefs, remaining one of the leaders of the national movement even behind bars.

Chornovil's release became possible only during the perestroika period, when the Soviet authorities were forced to soften their repressive policies. However, even after his release from prison, the system was in no hurry to "integrate" him into official life.

His name was well-known, but there was no opportunity to realize himself in the field of journalism or politics - the Soviet bureaucracy and secret services continued to create obstacles. For a long time he could not find a job, until he got a job as a stoker - a profession in which there was no threat of his "harmful" ideas to the regime.

But even in this situation, Chornovil did not give up. He did not give up the fight, but used every opportunity to continue his activities for the future of Ukraine. And within a few years, when the Soviet empire began to collapse, it was Chornovil who became one of the leaders of the national revival.

His life is proof that even in the darkest times, patriotism, principle, and courage can overcome any tyranny. And today, his example inspires those who continue to fight for independence, justice, and Ukraine's right to be the master of its own land.

One of the most interesting questions that arises when it comes to Chornovil is why he, who, unlike many dissidents, actively participated in the political life of independent Ukraine, eventually became the universally recognized leader of the national-state forces? The answer can probably be found in the memoirs of political prisoners who, due to Vyacheslav Chornovil's firm position and distinct leadership qualities, called him the "ZEK general."

Some fellow prisoners recalled that while still in the camp, Chornovil dreamed of becoming the Hetman of Ukraine. Which, in the end, came true - although Vyacheslav Maksymovych did not become the popularly elected president, he was the unofficial leader of the nation, and the revived Ukrainian Cossacks elected him in 1990 as the Hetman.

An important feature of Vyacheslav Chornovil was his confidence in his own rightness. Acting in independent Ukraine under the conditions of a constitutionally defined democratic system, he nevertheless, while at the head of the Movement, tried to independently make decisions for which he was always ready to be responsible. A significant event directly related to the figure of V. Chornovil was the transformation of the People's Movement in 1992-1993 from a public organization into a political party.

Chornovil was convinced that this was the only way to structure society, "carving out" a place for the Rukh in the center-right. It is no wonder that later the newly emerged oligarchs began to make every effort to split the Rukh and fill Ukrainian politics with pocket parties that would explode brightly thanks to super-powerful financial infusions and soon fade away ingloriously.

Let us pay attention to another feature of this person: Vyacheslav Chornovil was one of the few Ukrainian politicians of the national-state camp who paid significant attention to the East, working not only where it was convenient (Galicia, Volyn), but also where it was not only difficult, but sometimes simply dangerous. Only in the last year of his life, full of high patriotic passion, did he visit Luhansk several times, in particular, when there was a mass strike of miners who had not seen their salaries for years.

At that time, miners, driven to despair by unpaid wages, picketed the regional administration, protesting the irresponsible policies of the central government. The authorities tried to use these strikes to increase social divisions, presenting them as a struggle of the “working East” against the “nationalist West.”

But Chornovil, unlike many politicians who avoided hot topics, was not afraid to go where the situation was difficult. He talked to people, listened to their problems, supported their demands, and argued that the main enemy was not “Western nationalists” but an irresponsible oligarchic system that exploited ordinary Ukrainians. His ability to find common ground with miners who were far from ideological slogans was a confirmation of his strategic thinking.

Chornovil understood that the narrative of the "inevitable split between the East and the West of Ukraine" was imposed by Moscow and its agents of influence. He demonstrated that there was no real chasm between Ukrainians, and that all artificially inflated conflicts were just a political tool for maintaining control over Ukraine. His activities in the East were not just symbolic. It was a real step towards the unification of the country, which the authorities tried to ignore, and the Kremlin actively discredited.

What Chornovil was talking about became especially relevant after 2014, when Russia used myths about the "split Ukraine" to unleash the war in Donbas. If the state had consistently worked on the integration of all regions back in the 1990s, as Chornovil suggested, perhaps many tragedies could have been avoided.

His struggle for the unity of Ukraine was not an idealistic slogan, but a practical course towards the creation of a true national state. That is why his figure remains important not only for the history, but also for the future of Ukraine.

Vyacheslav Chornovil soberly assessed Russia's geopolitical ambitions, realizing that the imperial syndrome embedded in Kremlin policy would not disappear. He understood that for Moscow, Ukraine's independence would remain a temporary "historical mistake" that they would try to correct.

In an environment where most of the political elite avoided the issue of NATO membership due to fears of Russia and deeply rooted Soviet stereotypes, Chornovil resolutely defended the necessity of this step. He was convinced that only NATO membership could guarantee Ukraine true security and protect it from future threats. Chornovil had no illusions about “Slavic brotherhood” and did not believe in the sincerity of “friendship” with a state that had sought to destroy Ukrainian statehood and national identity for centuries. Time has proven the prophetic nature of his words. After 1999, when Chornovil passed away, Ukraine vacillated between the West and the East for a long time, losing precious time.

2003: Russia attempted to seize the Ukrainian island of Tuzla in the Black Sea, which was the first serious signal of aggressive intentions.

2008: Moscow reacted harshly to Ukraine's application for a NATO Membership Action Plan (MAP), threatening "serious consequences."

2014: Russia annexed Crimea and unleashed war in Donbas - direct confirmation of Chornovil's words that Russia would never accept Ukrainian independence.

2022: A full-scale invasion became a logical continuation of the policy that Chornovil warned about back in the 1990s.

Today, Ukraine no longer simply aspires to NATO membership; it has proven itself to be a key outpost of European security. The Ukrainian army has become one of the strongest in the region, and its heroic resistance to Russian invasion has proven that NATO must not only support Ukraine but also accept it as an equal ally. Chornovil’s idea of ​​a Euro-Atlantic choice was not only far-sighted but also vital. If Ukraine had become a member of NATO in the 1990s, or even in 2008, the current war might not have happened. Today, this course is without alternative: Ukraine’s security depends on full integration into the Western world, and in this sense, Chornovil remains not only a historical figure but also a guide for modern Ukrainian politics.

From the point of view of the need for unconditional adherence to national principles in Ukrainian political and state life and the achievement of unity of national-patriotic forces, the figure of Vyacheslav Chornovil remains unchangingly relevant, and the three "P"s he proclaimed - patriotism, decency, professionalism (in that order!) - are a guide for a new generation of domestic politicians and state builders. And today these principles remain important guideposts for modern Ukrainian politicians and society as a whole.

Chornovil believed that politics should be primarily national, aimed at protecting Ukrainian interests. For him, patriotism did not mean declarative statements, as is done in Russia, but concrete actions: defending the Ukrainian language, culture, historical memory, developing an independent economy, protecting sovereignty. He understood that without national consciousness, a strong and self-sufficient society is impossible. His struggle during the times of dissidence, participation in the resistance movement and the creation of the People's Movement of Ukraine are a manifestation of deep patriotism, which aimed not only to declare independence, but also to build a true Ukrainian state.

Politics, according to Chornovil, cannot be unprincipled, venal, or cynical. He always emphasized that morality and responsibility to the people should be above personal interests. His own path confirmed this thesis: Chornovil did not compromise with his conscience, did not participate in corruption schemes, did not trade convictions. He defended the purity of political activity, convinced that without this the long-term existence of the state is impossible. Being a patriot/nationalist and an honest person are necessary, but not sufficient conditions for effective public administration. Chornovil emphasized that a politician must be competent, know the mechanisms of governance, economic processes, and international relations.

His activities in the Verkhovna Rada, his work in the People's Rus of Ukraine are examples of attempts to create not just a patriotic, but also a professional state elite. Chornovil warned of the danger for Ukraine if policy is determined by oligarchs, corrupt officials, and unscrupulous populists.

His death actually paved the way for the collapse of the national-democratic movement and the establishment of a clan-oligarchic system. What he said and warned against became reality: the lack of unity among national-patriotic forces, the mixing of the national idea with opportunistic interests, the decline of moral principles in politics.

Today, as Ukraine fights for its independence again, his ideas take on special significance. If a new generation of politicians can realize the need to combine patriotism, decency, and professionalism, Ukraine will have a chance not only to win the war, but also to build the strong, just, and successful state that Chornovil dreamed of.

The death of Vyacheslav Chornovil on March 25, 1999 remains one of the most mysterious and tragic events in the history of independent Ukraine. Many consider it not an accident, but a completely planned action to eliminate a political figure who prevented the ruling cosmopolitan elite from establishing a monopoly on power. Together with Chornovil, Ukrainian national democracy was effectively destroyed: his Rukh became the first and last truly patriotic political force that independently participated in elections and achieved success.

Despite the official interpretation of the car crash as an accident, numerous facts and circumstances raise doubts. Whether it was a tragic accident or a well-planned crime is a question that still has no final answer. In the history of Ukraine, there have been many persecutions of those who fought for its independence, and Chornovil was no exception.

His death changed the political landscape of the country, forcing national-democratic forces to enter into situational alliances with liberals, which ultimately diluted the national idea in Ukrainian politics. This was the case in 2002, 2004, 2014. The consequences of 2019, which led to the current trials, speak for themselves.

The legacy of Vyacheslav Chornovil remains extremely important today. His principledness, steadfastness in convictions, and determination in actions are a bright reference point for modern politicians and citizens. At a time when Ukraine is once again fighting for its freedom, his words and struggle sound with renewed force, becoming not only a part of history, but also a source of inspiration for future generations, a symbol of unshakable faith in the future of the state.

Chornovil defended Ukraine's independence, the desire for sovereignty, and the preservation of its national culture and language. His ideas remain relevant to this day, as he believed that the true Ukraine is not just a territory, but a nation united by common values, love for its native land, and a willingness to work together for the good of the future.

He left us not only a memory of himself, but also guidelines that should serve as a guide for future generations. Therefore, no matter how difficult it is today, Chornovil's legacy continues to inspire us and motivate us to action - for a Ukraine that is united, independent, and which fearlessly follows the path determined by its people.

Andriy Kurbsky, columnist Newsky